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 JOANNES  

 ANTONIOUS  

 ILICIS

 CONSULTANCY

[Not for profit ]

 

 

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John A Coyle

Senior Consultant

Lawyer / Accountant (Non-Practising)

Lecturer

 

Learning & Development Consultant

Adult Distance Further Education Tutor

Non-Executive Director

Secretary, Trustee, Adjudicator, Committee /

Panel Member Assignments

Author

[Not for profit ]

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John A Coyle  

BA (Hons)(Econ)., BSc (Hons)., BSc (Hons) Psych., L.LM.

 

Consultant Lawyer (PGDL - CPE / LSF (Law & Practice) L.LM (Non-Practising)

Financial Accountant (Non-Practising)

L & D Consultant (Post-Graduate / H. Dip. Adult & Community Ed. (NUI), QTS (FE), 

AMITD,  GMBPsS

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Learning & Development Advice

Direct tutoring, lecturing, training, personal development counselling,

acting as a group facilitator. Programme planning, curriculum design,

assessments and evaluations. Distance Education Tutor / Correspondence

School Tutor Assignments; Contract or individual distance education tutor

GCSE O & A level’s / cognate courses in the subject areas of the general principles

of English law, British Constitution, Constitutional law, Economics, Sociology,

Government & Politics and Psychology.

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Please note all  distance adult further education tuition is restricted to

sub-contract arrangements with existing accredited distance education

college providers only.

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Joannes  Antonious Ilicis Consultancy

Publications [ Not for profit ]

 

​By John A Coyle

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Submission to the Haass Commission 2013; Entitled -

“ Novus Regimen Superanus Hibernica Politicus Civilas”    

 (30 / 10 / 2013) -

 

An e book -  "Treaties on a Northern Irish transitional justice managed

change process",

 

Contained in nine e-book publications, building on the above authors

Submission to the Haass Commission 2013 .

 

​​1. The Conquest of Ireland : An Inconclusive Political Struggle. 

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2. The “Ghost of the Gael” - Anglo-Irish culture and

    Northern Irish pathological sectarianism.
 

3 The Evolution of Constitutional Rights.

 

4. A Transitional Justice Statutory entrenched Northern Irish Home

    Rule Bill of Rights and Freedoms.

5. A Northern Irish Rights and Freedoms Agenda : A transitional

    justice imperative

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6. Is it the “Last Chance Saloon”  for Northern Ireland? -

    An NI Citizens Invitation to Treat

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7. Establishing and Developing a Northern Irish Social Enterprise

    Economy Foundation

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8.    The Northern Irish Conflict and the ECHR 1950 Part One

9.    The Northern Irish Conflict and the ECHR 1950 Part Two

10.  The Northern Irish Conflict and the ECHR 1950 Part Three

11.  The Northern Irish Conflict and the ECHR 1950 Part Four

12.  The Northern Irish Conflict and the ECHR 1950 Part Five

13.  The Northern Irish Conflict and the European Convention On

       Human Rights 1950 Parts 1 to 5

14.  A Bottom Up Approach to Northern Irish Housing and

       Homelessness Strategy

 

Price £2.00 - obtainable at

https:amazon.co.uk

 

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14. A Bottom Up Approach to Northern Irish Housing

and Homelessness Strategy.

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This e-book introduction  advocates a new parallel system of social and first tier

affordable housing for Northern Ireland. A bottom up approach to a Northern Irish

social and first tier affordable housing and homelessness strategy.

Is advocating an alternative approach, to the Northern Irish housing policy / strategy.

An alternative to the life style business model of “wage slave mortgage hostage”.

What happened to the days when the price of a house was the costs of a site and

construction? Moreover, and the building societies were restricted to advancing

a mortgage for these costs and no more? It is perfectly viable to return to this

financial arrangement and manufacture and construct, high standard social /

first tier affordable four bedroom houses / bungalows. I.E. with a front and

rear garden and off road parking. The proposed scheme is an intricate component

of an overarching NI Social enterprise economy foundation. Requiring a process of

legal reform and protections; and a process of reconfiguration and recalibration of

the NI public and private sectors. I.E. via district council democratic and corporate

governance; and or external stakeholders. Linking up with vocational learning

and development; and or welfare to work and “use it or lose it ”, social security

payments. The object is not to compete with the existing NI housing policy, but

rather to run in parallel with it. To separate the social and private rented homes

from the private house market and mortgage finance influences. I.E. on social

and private rents? To establish a social and private statutory rents formula.

To be based on the costs of the construction of a standard social / first tier family

house; and or a housing benefit cap for private rented houses. This alternative

approach will assist with reducing NI waiting lists and homelessness; and reform

aspects of specified types of eviction; and or personal insolvency and inheritance

reforms. Moreover, the NI local enterprise economy will be stimulated and enhanced.

 

 

It is also noteworthy, that this advocated new parallel system of social and first

tier affordable housing, may also subject to some tweaking be applicable to the

Republic of Ireland, Scotland, Wales; and or also in some smaller English

towns in particular,seaside towns and national trust areas.

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[ See Blog  for all E-book introductions 1 to 14 ]

 

 

[ Obtainable via htt:amazon.co.uk ] Then search ebooks by John A Coyle

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13.  The Northern Irish Conflict and the European

Convention On Human Rights 1950 Parts 1 to 5

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This e-book introduction is about its contents, which aims to provide of a summary

to the basis of the contents of the e-books – The Northern Irish Conflict and the

ECHR 1950 Parts 1 to 5 - by John A Coyle. In essence, an evidence based qualitative

thematic and pervasive approach. Underpinned by an attempt, via a margin of

appreciation, in terms of identifying the continuous thread of the conflicting,

competing and countervailing processes, involved in the accessibility and

development of domestic and international human rights jurisprudence.

In particular, the potential eligibility and accessibility criterion processes,

in connection with a range of stand alone ECHR 1950 Articles; and or

in conjunction with the substantive ECHR 1950 Articles, protecting human rights.

 

The incorporation of the European Convention of Human Rights into the domestic

law of the United Kingdom, is a very significant constitutional law development.

An evolutionary constitutional process embracing into UK domestic law an

international jurisprudence. A process originally commenced by some UK jurist’s,

civil liberties and human rights protagonists. HMG thereby, being one of the

founding signatory High Contracting Party Members.

 

The ECHR 1950 is underpinned by a range of fundamental concepts and principles,

aimed at preserving human rights and freedoms, democracy and a pluralist society.

In particular, the concept of democracy and taking steps to defend democracy.

I.E. a system of democracy based on the rule of law. The concept of fairness and

equality of treatment is central to its purpose. In this context, in avoidance of conflict,

the protection of human rights aims to prevent the violation of human rights. This

system of international jurisprudence relies on cooperation, agreement and consent

and a shared constitutional law human rights sovereignty. As expressed below to

circumvent adverse outcomes resulting from arbitrary decisions and actions.

 

"Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort,

to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected

by the rule of law."

 

In the first instance, these e-books have undertaken an examination and consideration

of the human rights protected by the ECHR 1950, in each of the parts 1,2,3,4 and 5.

In particular, the rights to life, inhuman, degrading treatment and torture, personal

security and liberty, the right to a fair trial, rights to a remedy and non discrimination,

equality of arms, abuse of power and the identification of potentially intended

limitations and restrictions to the ECHR 1950 human rights and freedoms.

In particular, human rights associated with an unimpeded investigative legal

procedures and processes. These human right have also been considered in

connection, with a circumstance of a linked simultaneous conjunction of a number

of different human rights. Also a pervasive appreciation of the protected rights

of expression, assembly and slavery. Moreover, the potential for the development

of human rights concepts and principles. I.E. in response to current and future

challenges, in relation to changing cultural, political, social, economic and

environmental human rights.

 

These human rights have been generally examined and considered in the first instance,

and thereafter have been considered, in connection with the Anglo-Irish / NI conflict

1968-1998, in the above specified areas of human rights protections. A range of

potential ECHR 1950 violations of human rights, during this period have been

identified and considered in parts 1,2,3,4, and 5 of these e- books. The emphasis

has been on HMG “State Actor” decisions and actions. I.E. as to the right to life,

for example, in the case of the unbridled killing events of “Bloody Sunday”, in

Derry 1972 and the “Ballymurphy”killings in Belfast in 1971; HMG Policy of

“Shoot to Kill” and HMG security services collusion in the killing of Roman

Catholic Northern Irish “British Subjects”; inhuman, degrading treatment and

torture. Furthermore, in relation to Articles, 3, 5 and 6 ECHR 1950 in the first

instance. However, also in relation the Articles 7, 8, 14, 13, 17 and 18 ECHR 1950.

HMG decisions and actions, in relation to the temporary emergency provisions.

In particular, the period of the dual system of internment without trial and

emergency “scheduled criminal offences”, adjudicated via the Special Diplock

Courts. This period from 1971 to 1976, as considered may have been in “real time”,

potentially a violation of ECHR 1950 human rights? Moreover, there were identified

anomalies, in connection with those charged with the temporary emergency

“scheduled criminal offences” and those charged with; and or not charged with

membership of proscribed unlawful paramilitary / terrorist organisations?

These HMG decisions and actions were also considered, in relation to the purpose

and impact on the Official Secrets legislation and undermining of a fair trial?

There were issues around the suspension of the “Judges Rules” and denial of

access to a solicitor; and or an appropriate adult? I.E. the absence of an

independent witness, during the obtaining of admissions and confessions? This

was further confounded by the carrying into RUC CID / special branch interviews,

legally held firearms; and or firearm exhibits, which may or may not have been

used to threaten and intimidate suspects; and or the potential for the transfer of

GSR onto suspects? The Special Diplock Courts involved a Judge sitting alone

without a jury, the burden of proof was reversed onto the defence,

there was the mandatory admission into evidence of any written statement, without

the regular rules of evidence and disclosures to the defence?

 

There appears to be no logical valid reason as to why Northern Irish “British Subjects”

who were not charged with membership of a proscribed unlawful paramilitary / terrorist

organisations, for not being committed for trial to a properly constituted Criminal Court

with a judge and jury, with out the burden of proof being reversed; and or the application

of the regular rules of evidence; and or disclosures? Moreover, also as to the right to apply

for bail at the Magistrates Court? As considered in the text there does not appear to be any

logical reason as to why such individuals, could not have been interned without trial;

and or charged with membership of a proscribed unlawful paramilitary / terrorist

organisation? I.E. if these Northern Irish “British Subjects” were to be adjudicated,

via the Special Diplock Courts? Not to have done so may have been potentially a

violation of ECHR 1950? In this context, the NIHRC, Technical Analysis of the

Section Dealing with ‘The Past’ within the Stormont House Agreement (2015)para 70,

paras 52, 54 Northern Ireland (Sentences) Act 1998], Section 3(3) 15 state that the

prisoner must not be a member of a specified organisation. There appears to be a

contraction in terms, because in excess of 80% of RC nationalist prisoners, were not

charged with membership of a proscribed unlawful paramilitary / terrorist organisation

I.E. in the first place? Moreover, there are potential human rights and security issues,

which are linked to the Official Secrets legislation and those who were charged with

membership of a proscribed unlawful paramilitary / terrorist organisation? Thereby,

further restricting the decision making processes of defence counsel and Diplock Judges?

 

However, as indicated in relation to the NIHRC and Council of Europe / UN Human

Rights Committee. The discussion around applicability of international law treaty

amnesties, the vindication of the human rights of civilian non combatants and rights of

victims and survivors, due to unconscionable acts of inhumanity. For example, the

abduction, killing and disappearance of Northern Irish “British Subjects”; and or

no warning bomb explosions, resulting in the death or permanent injury of Northern

Irish “British Subjects”; and or British State informers who were killed for whom a

duty of care was owed by HMG? It may also be important to ascertain the true motivations

of these HMG state informers or agents who were killed? The HMG policy of

“Criminalisation” is also a potential ECHR 1950 human rights violation, because there

is a distinction to be drawn between an HMG crime policy and a HMG policy of

“Criminalisation”? In particular, since, HMG were not impartial arbiters during

the Anglo-Irish / NI conflict 1968-1998, but rather a political protagonist, with a

political and security purpose of their own to serve? I.E. a predominant ulterior

political motive, in a circumstance of unequal power relations?

 

During the Anglo-Irish / NI conflict 1968-1998 there were without question conflicting,

competing and countervailing processes in play, as to HMG’s strategic approach to

human rights both on a political and security orientated basis. An examination of

the decisions and actions of HMG public authorities, do without question raise very

serious potential ECHR 1950 human rights violation compliance issues? It is very

clear that HMG, were always pursuing a policy of maintaining a presence in relation

to the British state of Northern Ireland. There was no real intention to dismantle their

establishment and disengage. This is currently a debatable issue around the future

prospects of a “fifty percent plus one”NI border poll scenario. I.E. will HMG

honour their commitments to withdraw from Northern Ireland, as mandated in the

Belfast Agreement 1998? These two particular components, as to the past and going

forward, in terms of the incorporation of ECHR 1950 into UK domestic law are

grappling with an evolutionary process of continued constitutional and human rights

law developments and change. A part of reconciling and ameliorating these processes

is to attempt an understanding of the embedded cultural social and emotional

cognition's, interacting with these changes. There are some conflicting and competing

interpretations of concepts and principles. There is of course scope for a margin of

differential appreciation. These can be assisted by the European Court on Human

Rights - established legal rationale, as to the mechanisms employed supporting,

the legal aids to interpretation processes. However, there are unconscious processes

at work which are being reinforced by a false and misleading set of narratives,

aimed at preserving a way of life which facilitates the concentration of wealth

and power into perpetuity, for the benefit of the already privileged, internal and

external Anglo-Saxon ruling classes; and elitist and compliant groups. This is not

an issue restricted to the Irish population – this unequal retention of wealth and

power, impacts on the whole of the UK and Ireland; and or quite conceivably may

have been the source and cause of the divisions, discrimination and injustices,

which permeates the present day British / UK union of unequal power and wealth

relations; and likewise as to those who created the conditions and circumstances

for conflict on the island of Ireland, with a view to bringing about the partition of

Ireland?

 

In essence, the UK is a rule of law democracy underpinned by a system of

jurisprudence, based on the common law of England. A legal system which is

capable of being robust and flexible. The continuous development and evolution

of the rules of natural justice, equity and incorporation of international jurisprudence

concepts and principles such as “proportionality” is part of this process of change.

This process of change has been very slow from 1215 Magna Charta to the present.

This has involved the movement away from the rule of the monarchy, to an English

constitutional monarchy, “rule” of the ruling classes, rule of law, onto a rule of law

mode of democracy, underpinned by the doctrine of “British Parliamentary

Sovereignty”. However, the system of jurisprudence based on the common law of

England, is permeated with an embedded “cultural feudalism” Thereby, as a

consequence manifesting in impulsive social and emotional cognitive responses.

At the base of this “cultural feudalism” is a top down afforded unfettered freedom

too choose, from right and wrong, subject only to the constraints of social class.

Thereafter, every other facet of life is socially controlled. I.E. from birth to include

even death. The power afforded by this unfettered freedom, possesses an intrinsic

qualitative and unquantifiable misleading false consciousness, producing a distorted

perception of a sense of an autonomous freedom. Thereby, facilitating a foundation

for a top down management and manipulation of the respective social classes. I.E.

via the processes of social control. For example, via patriotism, loyalty, allegiance –

military service, earned privileges, recognition, criminalisation, coercive control,

employment, unemployment, those who have been “situationally positioned,” into a

captive welfare benefits poverty existence, and the imposition of emigration.

 

These processes are reinforced and supported by the self made lifestyle concepts of

“Master and Servant”, wages, real wages, money wages, welfare benefits, “Landlord

and Tenant”, rent, dominant and subservient interests; adverse interests, profits,

planning permission, equitable rights to redemption, trustees, beneficiaries,

succession and inheritance; The life style business model of “wage slave mortgage

hostage”,incentivised by inflated valuations and low interest rates, “Mortgagee and

Mortgagor” – third party interests, floating and fixed charges, Mortgagors power

of sale, freehold and leasehold ownership; family property adjustment orders,

deferred trusts,judgement mortgages, land charges, attachment orders, garnishee

orders, bankruptcy / personal insolvency, liquidations, foreclosure and eviction;

bailiffs seizure of personal property. These are examples of the development of

concepts and principles underpinning land, labour, capital and the importance

afforded to the forms of ownership most especially real property and finance.

An evolving human mind set of communicative meanings and understanding has

accompanied theses social economic daily life style / family life cycles. It is this

relationship with a system of democracy supported by a system of jurisprudence,

based on the Common law of England. I.E. in the context of a rule of law democracy

and the creation of a line of division. In particular, the creation of these lines of

distinction, has set the UK system of democracy within a framework of limitations;

and or self made, socially constructed limitations and restrictions. The outworking

of these lines of division, is the constraints on social, economic and environmental

decisions and actions. Many revolving around resource allocation and liquidity.

Thereafter, the management and manipulation of every day economic survival

conflicting and competing personal interests, relative to life expectancy. The

beneficiaries are the already wealth based ruling elitist classes, for whom their

sole purpose is to preserve and maintain their particular way life into perpetuity.

 

This form of “cultural feudalism” is underpinned and continually reinforced by a

community based transmission, via the interaction process of an English language

social discourse. There is embedded and inculcated in this discourse an Anglo-Saxon /

xenophobic disdain of all thing external. The outcome of this embedded process,

is the promotion of outcomes which encourage, entreat and counsel unequal relations?

This also involves external relations, aimed at sustaining an internal domestic coercive

social control of unsuspecting “British Subjects”? For example, the direct and indirect

promotion of independent sovereignty, over all or any forms of shared or limited

shared sovereignty; and or social or economic cooperation? On going examples are

the salient reality that white British immigrates in the USA, Canada, Australia,

New Zealand and Ireland, believe everyone else but them are foreigners and

immigrants? Two historic examples will suffice, the English reformation was not

about religion, it was about sovereignty. The UK withdrawal from the EU was not

about economics it was about sovereignty. In both cases the motivation was to prevent

or limit or restrict the impact of external influences on “British Subjects”. In

particular, shared cooperation, shared sovereignty, shared social, political, economic,

environmental decisions and actions? Likewise, as to foreign policy, defence security

issues. Thereby, enabling the promotion of a false political and ideological narratives,

such as regime change and nation building, as distinct from trespass, occupation,

theft, exploitation and oppression? Moreover, the false narratives around the

development of human rights and the creation of the perceptions of an unwelcome

outside interference into the British way of life?

 

Tackling, combating and dismantling patterns of inequality and the negative out

workings of this type of “Cultural Feudalism.” Thus far in terms of constitutional,

equality and, human rights judicial change, has proved to be an inconclusive cultural /

political struggle. For example, the Magna Charta 1215 was in the first instance

a peace treaty, aimed at adjusting the power relations between the ruling classes

supporting the monarchy. In this common law rights document, it was permissible

not to pay a debt owed to a Hebrew. Moreover, the protection from the taking of a

life was not restricted to “an eye for an eye” and criminal domestic disturbance,

but rather to essentially undermining any challenge to authority and the feudal

system of governance. This was subject to the judgement of his peers? The death

penalty in the UK continued into the 1950's and beyond for capital murder? The

death penalty is still legal in the USA. In the USA where there has been progress

in terms of a written constitution, incorporating a bill of rights. This progress is

restricted and limited. For example, these rights did not apply to the off-spring of

African salves? This position continued until the conclusion of the American civil

war and far beyond. Nor did it apply to the indigenous population at all, who were

initially contained in reservations? It is noteworthy, that the first African American

Supreme Court Judge was appointed in 2022? In Canada these indigenous

reservations were referred to as reserves? Mind set progress maybe? In some respects,

Wales may have been the first Anglo-Saxon reservation? UK devolution, constitutional

progress maybe? Albeit in a United kingdom union of unequal relations? The

Australian Prime Minister is now proposing in 2023, that the Australian indigenous

aborigines be allowed to have an input into laws which may impact on them? I.E.

"Australian Subjects" will vote on the enactment of these proposed laws, if allowed?

Progress-maybe?

 

This process of change has challenged many competing and conflicting sociological

and social, emotional and cognitive psychological areas, relating to class, religion,

gender, the workplace, enterprise development, sexual orientation, ethnicity / race,

disability, criminalisation; discrimination and unlawful discrimination. In the UK

as to constitutional law changes, these have been, via a process of selective legislation,

aimed at identifying areas of unlawful discrimination.On an individual basis

restricting equality of treatment to defined personal characteristics. Since there is

but one race “the human race” there may be something indicative in the British

legislative language employed? For example,the Race Relations Act; and or the

incitement to radical hatred laws? This is as distinct from an alternative Ethnicity

Relations Act; and or the Xenophobia Act? The UK does not have a Bill of Rights.

However, in 1998 the UK has now incorporated the ECHR 1950 into domestic UK /

English law, via the UK Human Rights Act 1998.

[ Commencement 2000 ]

 

This constitutional human rights law is a evolutionary process and is an ongoing work

in progress. Despite, the incorporation of ECHR 1950 into UK domestic law there

appears on the face of it, to be a retained HMG inability to grasp the concept of

the “vindication of human rights” in terms of humanity? I.E. in relation to distinctions

as between real or perceived bad, criminal, controversial, differential conduct and the

retention of human rights? For example, this has continued in the attitudes toward

the human rights of convicted prisoners? There appears to be a conflicting and

competing Anglo-Saxon cultural feudalism, which is presenting with a range of

embedded difficulties, underpinned by impulses toward social control, coercive control,

punitive revenge, and the promotion of unequal relations? In this connection,

there has been a continued failure to amend the laws concerning prisoner voting rights,

as indicated in the various parts of these e-book? The vast majority of applications

against the UK which were pending before the European Court of Human Rights

concerned prisoner voting rights.

 

In the context of the Anglo-Irish / NI conflict 1968-1998, HMG appear to be

procrastinating and running the clock down, via various methods of delaying tactics?

There is a need for reform in human rights jurisprudence to facilitate the concept

of joint and several responsibility / vicarious liability, in a range of circumstances. I.E. the

decisions and actions of HMG public authorities and their “state actors”

in what ever form? In particular, where the facts speak for themselves

[res ipsa loquitur]. For example, in the case of “Bloody Sunday” in Derry in 1972

no one else, is said to have been responsible for these killings, apart from the

British Army Paratroopers, likewise, as with the killings in “Ballymurphy”

in Belfast in 1971. Indeed, in many other British security services killing incidents,

during the entire period of the Anglo-Irish / NI conflict 1968-1998? It is noteworthy,

that a range of State public authorities are for the purposes of the ECHR 1950

human rights protection, are subject to ECHR 1950 compliance. For example,

the Judiciary and the CPS; and or NI Public Prosecution Service.

 

[ Obtainable via a Google search at - htt:amazon.co.uk ]

Then search ebooks by John A Coyle

​​​

6. Is it the “Last Chance Saloon”  for Northern Ireland? -

    An NI Citizens Invitation to Treat

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In essence, this e-book is the author issuing a Northern Irish invitation to treat -

an attempt to commence negotiations by advocating and soliciting, the Northern Irish

citizenry to participate in the peace process. How? By completing what was started

some twenty two years ago. This can only be done by the full implementation of the

Belfast Agreement 1998. The Belfast Agreement, mandated a Bill of Rights for

Northern Ireland. Why not submit your own draft Bill of Rights to any relevant

civic forums and or on-line via social media. Feel free to use the author’s template

and amend or change or retain as you think fit. There has been a significant amount

of academic work undertaken but this is for the most part, in the form of an isolated

document or semi isolated documents, although cognisant to in some ways but

detached, from the Anglo-Irish NI conflict 1968-1998. It is the author’s view, that

any Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland, must reflect a divided community emerging

out of a long contemporary and historic conflict, together with the external past

and present influences of the Anglo-Irish inconclusive power struggles. The invidious

situational positioning of the Northern Irish population. The importance of building

on the conflict resolution peace process and a commitment to a transitional justice

engagement. A Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland must be invested in developing

the conflict resolution peace process. In the first instance, by incorporating the

Belfast Agreement 1998, together with the constitutional principles contained

therein; and or any agreed institutions supporting democracy. It is the author’s

opinion, that the concept of consent can be developed into a concept of Northern Irish

"Constitutional Sovereignty," upward and flowing from the people of Northern

Ireland. It is also advocated that this process may assist in the establishment of a

devolved Northern Irish Sovereign Home Rule Micro-State. That is, a sub-national

Irish micro-state, as distinct from that of a nation state. Thereby, on the basis of

agreement and consent, capable in accordance with the Belfast Agreement 1998, of

being either a Home Rule Micro-State of the UK or the Nation State of Ireland. A

rules of natural justice compliant, mandatory border poll every seven years.

However, with an option to delay for five years, on a two thirds majority in the

constituent Northern Irish Assembly. At the expiration of any extended five year

delay in a NI border poll, the referendum will take place regardless. Clearly, for

HMG not to facilitate this type of democratic mechanism, runs against the rules of

natural justice. Furthermore, not to afford this democratic right, is a

"power without right" in a "rule of law democracy", for which, the common law

rules of natural justice, is a corner stone? Moreover, thereby, further reinforcing

the perception, real or perceived, that the United Kingdom is not only a union of

unequal relations, but also a union of "British Subjects", based on the relationships

of "Master and Servant", dependant on a "coercive control " relationship? In essence,

an undemocratic abuse of rights and lawful processes? Thereby, creating an invidious

"situational positioning", which renders all of these NI "British Subjects" potential

victims of social injustice, discrimination, fearfulness, self deception, emotional

cowardice; and or powerlessness? This lends support for the political notion that

the United Kingdom, is set within a limited democratic framework, which in terms

of political social and economic decisions and actions, is determined by unelected

elitists; and or a wealth based ruling class?

 

In the event of a decision by the Northern Irish electorate, to enter into unity with the

Republic of Ireland. This will only happen in all probability, if any new devolved

Northern Irish Sovereign Home Rule Micro-State, underpinned by the concept of

“Northern Irish Constitutional Sovereignty ” and an entrenched Northern Irish Home

Rule Bill of Rights and Freedoms, is retained, going forward, into Irish unity,

as a devolved Northern Irish Sovereign Home Rule Micro-State, of a new Nation

State of Ireland.

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[ See Blog  for all E-book introductions 1 to 14 ]

​

​Please note if you experience any difficulty downloading any of

these e-books please contact

Amazon online bookstore; and or contact me at 

john.coyle18@btinternet.com

Thank you

 

These e-books are for those interested in constitutional law,

politics, social  history and change and may assist in

learning and development

​​​

Joannes  Antonious Ilicis Consultancy professional and

administrative service fees start at £50.00 per hour plus

any disbursements, travel and accommodation costs.

Cognate administrative support costs are at £15.00 per hour.​

 

NB. Not for profit basic rates apply for

casework assignments. 

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REGULATION AND COMPLIANCE –

 

The Joannes Antonious Ilicis Consultancy is a not for profit

consultancy. The Joannes Antonious Ilicis Consultancy does not operate on

the high streetwith direct access to the general public. All consulting

assignment instructions are restricted only to authorised practitioners,

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public sector authorities, statutory bodiesand registered voluntary

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The Joannes Antonious Ilicis Consultancy does not take steps in

litigation and or draft documents for the purpose of the transfer of

real property; and or operate in any of the reserved areas of legal practice.

Unless acting indirectly under the auspices, instructions and or supervision

of an authorised statutory legal practitioner;and or organisation,

on a consultancy assignment basis.

 

Joannes Antonious Ilicis Consultancy, aims to be best practice compliant.

All works carried out by this Consultancy is open to a complaints

process, which is reduced to writing in all client care correspondence

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Contact

john.coyle18@btinternet.com

Address

New Business address Pending 

Derry / Londonderry 

Northern Ireland

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